FOREIGN OFFICE FILES FOR CUBA
(Public Record Office Class FO 371)

Part 1: Revolution in Cuba, 1959-1960
(PRO Classes FO 371/139396-139521, 148178-148345 & PREM 11/2622)

Publisher' Note

Part One of this microfilm project offers the complete Foreign Office Files for Cuba for 1959 and 1960. Charting the beginning of an era which would eventually bring the world to the brink of World War Three, these documents offer new perspectives on issues relating to the revolution in Cuba from the ending of the Batista regime to Fidel Castro’s takeover and first year in power.

General Batista came to power in 1952. One of his first actions was to suspend the constitution and set up a provisional government with a guarantee to hold a general election the following year. However, when 1953 came and Batista’s promise failed to materialise, a young rebel lawyer, Fidel Castro, led the famous uprising of the 26 July. Quick to quash the rebellion, Batista introduced new economic and political measures designed to free a Cuban economy that had become dominated by American investment. Guerrilla warfare still continued but lack of opposition saw Batista re-elected again in 1954. Although his regime succeeded in quashing Castro’s 1956 mutiny (named the ‘26th July Movement’ in honour of the 1953 uprising), Batista’s administration had started to come under increased scrutiny from international governments. Castro, now famous all over the world, finally came to power after Batista resigned and fled Cuba on New Year’s Eve 1958. Rebel troops arrived in Havana on 1 January 1959.

Scholars will be able to use the documents not only to reveal the dramatic political, military, economic and commercial changes that occurred with such a change in government, but also to compare events in 1959 to those of 1960. Starting with FO 371/139396, the Annual Review for 1958 describes the final year of the Batista regime.

“… very roughly, this year’s struggle between the rebel leader (Castro) and the President (Batista) can be divided into three phases: from January till mid-April, when Batista was on the defensive and in the mood to make concessions; from mid-April till mid-September, when the Government appeared to hold the initiative and to be in a position to impose some measure of pacification prior to the elections; and from the middle of September till the end of the year, during which period the rebels grew progressively stronger and virtually all hope of a peaceful solution vanished.”

The revolution celebrations were short-lived; in February 1959 Prime Minister José Miro Cardona resigned. Castro, already Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, took over Cardona’s role. In the six months since the revolution began, the execution of over 500 Batista supporters led the world’s media to describe the state of the country as a ‘bloodbath’ and sparked worldwide concern over the real intentions of Castro’s pro-communist government. These activities are all described in files FO 371/139398-139403 which document the internal political situation in Cuba in 1959.

“Senor Fidel Castro’s forces now appear to have complete control of the country. Senor Fidel Castro refused to recognize the Army Junta which took over from General Batista and called for a cease-fire. His supporters now seem to have taken command of the armed forces; there is indeed no focal point for any opposition to him. He has been acclaimed by great crowds in Santiago in the Eastern Provinces which he is reported to have proclaimed as the provisional capital of the island.” (FO 371/139399)

Other issues raised in the files include the circumstances surrounding the resignations of Castro and Urrutia, false reports of the death of Castro, British diplomatic representatives in Cuba, executions, Cuban rebels and the imposition of martial law.

Files FO 371/148179-148185 offer full reports and insights into Cuba’s internal political situation in 1960.

“The Revolutionary Government in 1960, whether because it wanted to or because it felt itself forced to, has concluded commercial agreements with the USSR, East Germany and Poland. Dilatoriness, inefficiency and pique in commercial relations with Western countries have at the same time tended to accentuate the swing to the left.” (FO 371/148181)

The political relations between Cuba and various international governments in 1959 are described in files FO 371/139410-139433. In particular, FO 371/139429-139433 document Britain’s relationship with Cuba:

“In view of the publicity given to our supplying arms to the Batista Government, it would be helpful for us not REPEAT not to be backward in recognising the new regime. We would like to do so as soon as possible, simultaneously with, or soon after the Americans”.

“Our main criteria for according recognition are 1) effective control of the country and 2) willingness to honour international obligations.”

“As Canadian embassy in Havana is very lightly manned, Department of External Affairs have it in mind to send reinforcements for the purpose of protection of UK interest if our diplomatic relations are broken off.” (FO 371/139429)

Files FO 371/148197-148232 cover Cuba’s political ties in 1960 with nations such as the Soviet Union, Venezuela, Brazil, Eastern Europe and the United States. A letter, dated 8 August 1960, and written by American President Eisenhower to British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan uncovers the threat that both countries felt at Castro’s regime.

“Harold

You ask quite understandably how we really mean to achieve our aim in unseating Castro and replacing him by a more suitable regime… we expect to move ahead with further economic measures designed to bring pressure on the Cuban economy. We are steadily intensifying our Counter-Propaganda efforts in other countries of the hemisphere… we shall seek and use every possible opportunity short of outright intervention which might bring pressure to bear on Castro… Although we must make sure of the ultimate achievement of our aim, I fully agree that our course is fraught with difficulties and dangers. Your cooperation and support are therefore especially appreciated.

With warm regards, As ever, Ike” (FO 371/148219)

In contrast, FO 371/148202 documents Cuba’s relations with China:

“I think we could certainly agree that, to the Chinese, the Cuban Revolution represents an important pilot project to which they will continue to give economic and moral support.”

Highlights also include the possibility of the Spanish Embassy being linked with the activities of Cuban counter-revolutionaries (FO 371/148212), and Khrushchev’s July 1960 speech giving full support to Castro (FO 371/148211).

Commercial relations and activities with Cuba also feature heavily in this project. Reports on the 1959 Cuban Economy can be found in FO 371/139438-139441, the latter illustrates Castro’s “need to diversify the Cuban economy” and his statement “that although industrialisation might be anathema to United States exporters, the only way to put the Cuban economy on a sound basis was to do away with the single product economy and diversify by extending agriculture and by industrialization.”

Files FO 371/148245-148265 detail commercial relations in 1960, and reflect the direction and nature of Castro’s economic policies. The signing of a Trade and Payments Agreement between Cuba and China is discussed in FO 371/148245; the beginning of commercial negotiations with Japan is documented in FO 371/148249; the signing of a commercial agreement between Castro and Mikoyan of the Soviet Union is offered in FO 371/148251; FO 371/148254 contains a US mutual Security Bill reducing America’s assistance to Cuba and the bartering of cement against cigars with the UK can be found in FO 371/148259. The following extract, taken from FO 371/148262, describes the radical change in Britain’s commercial relations with Cuba from 1959 to 1960.

“In 1959, following the Castro revolution, our trade with Cuba almost doubled. This year (1960) it has decreased sharply and by mid-summer British firms were owed some £3 million by Cuban importers. In view of this substantial debt and of the Cuba political and economic situation in general and after consultation with other departments including the Foreign Office, Export Credits Guarantee Department decided in July (1960) to take a more restrictive line towards Cuba than the cautious policy which had already been adopted earlier in the year.”

Cuban foreign policy for 1959 is reported in FO 371/139409 and reflects the deteriorating state of relations between America and Cuba. America’s concern over the so-called anti-American attitude that was being adopted by the Cuban press and in particular by the semi-official “Revolution”, is charted as well as Raul Castro’s press statements and activities in Lima. The Foreign Policy for 1960 can be found in FO 371/148196.

Part 1 also offers files relating to the controversial sale of military aircraft and arms to Cuba. FO 371/139459 documents the sale of arms (excluding bombers or bombs) to the Batista regime at the beginning of May 1958. Negotiations between the Cuban authorities and the aircraft manufacturers culminated in a proposal for the purchase of 17 Sea Furies which were officially approved at the beginning of July of the same year. The documents also mention the sale of 17 aircraft and 15 comet tanks and in the event of a House of Commons debate, embarrassing questions and possible replies on the subject.

FO 371/139473 takes the issue to a second stage when in September 1959 the London Press reported negotiations taking place between Cuba and Great Britain. Cuba proposed the substitution of the now “obsolete” British aircrafts, in operation in their airforce, with up-to-date Defensive Short Range Hunter MK5 Jet aircrafts. According to the Cuban Government, for every jet Hunter MK5 sold (and with approval from the British Government):

“British company Hawker Siddeley will buy back one Sea Fury. In other words, Cuba is not only NOT increasing the size of her Airforce, but she is transforming it from the offensive force it was because of the tyranny needing it, into a defensive organisation which is the rightful requirement of a democratic government based on the subject of the people.”

FO 371/148278 also documents Cuba’s proposal to Hawker Siddeley that if they can purchase four two-seater unarmed Hunter trainers, they would also like to buy ten Avro 748 Civilian aircraft. Objections to the sale are also included. The British Government replied that such a proposal would not be easy to justify to the Americans and also pointed out the danger “that Cuba will believe that we may soon relent still further and let them have the armed Hunter fighters, which is what they presumably need most!” The documents also reveal: Cuba’s plan to consider buying MIG17 fighters from Czechoslovakia or Russia; Foreign Office views on the sale of Hunter Trainers, Sea Furies, spare parts for Sea Furies and Westland helicopters and reports that Cubans were using crop-spraying helicopters (so-called ‘civil aircraft’) for military training purposes.

Several files refer to Castro’s right-hand men, among them his brother, Raul, and Ernesto ‘Che’ Guevara who both played leading roles in his guerrilla army and new Government. FO 371/148316 holds a verbatim report of an interview with Che Guevara by Jack White of The Irish Times.

“Che Guevara is described by American newspapers not only as the leading brain of the Revolution, but as its leading communist. Are they right? How can I say? But I can tell you that about 2 hours before I met him, a priest told me: ‘Che is a dyed-in-the-wool communist, of course. But he is also a very honest man. He will say what he means’.”

FO 371/139407 studies the spread of communism in Cuba while FO 371/139403 reports:

“Some of the US and Cuban press gave a certain amount of prominence last week to a statement by General Cabell, Deputy Director of the C.I.A., that the USSR sent a Soviet intelligence officer to Cuba last May ‘to guide local communists on how to penetrate the government of Fidel Castro’.”

Documents reporting the boycott of Shell Oil and British products in general are found throughout the records. Files FO 371/148293-148305 look at the operations of companies such as Shell and Texaco, including Anglo-Dutch views being given on nationalisation of Oil in Cuba, loss of refineries and the refining of Russian crude oil. Castro’s influence on the Cuban people became evident with his recommendation that the boycott be raised against Shell “and presumably against British Products generally”. To complement this, file FO 371/139432 reports that the “situation might improve if private British organizations undertook to send medicine and food for affected areas as some US organizations had done. British purchases of Cuban sugar would help to complement this but that the Cuban Government had no blackmail intentions in this respect.”

The first signs of the impending missile crisis can be found in FO 371/148272. It contains comments on an article in the US News and World Report describing “deliveries of mysterious cargoes from Soviet Ships in Havana” and “crates large enough to hold parts for aeroplanes or rockets are being unloaded by the Russian crews.”… The feature concludes, “at least 200 technicians and advisers from the Soviet bloc are known to be in Cuba.”

Part 1 of Foreign Office Files for Cuba offers a British perspective on the events of 1959 and 1960. It allows numerous possibilities of comparative research work and will enable scholars to explore such questions as:

To what extent was Cuba’s revolutionary government recognised by the world’s leaders? Was Britain more than a bystander? How do communism and capitalism in Cuba compare? How did the Revolution shape further events in Cuba?

Files offered include:

• Annual reviews for 1958 and 1959
• The internal political situation in Cuba
• Political relations with nations such as the US, Japan, the Netherlands, Peru, the Soviet Union, Mexico and the Commonwealth countries
• Industry (e.g. mining, sugar production) and the Cuban economy
• Imports and exports
• The sale of military aircraft
• Commercial relations with countries such as China, Japan, Poland, the US and the UK
• Military files documenting naval bases and the Cuban Army
• Communication and utility networks
• Nationalisation of Cuban oil industry
• Security and intelligence organisations
• Tourism and emigration
• Labour and trade Union situations
• Expropriation of US and UK owned property in Cuba
• Visits by politicians, journalists
• Education and religion in Cuba

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