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FOREIGN OFFICE FILES FOR JAPAN AND THE FAR EAST
Series One: Embassy & Consular Archives - Japan (1905-1940)
(Public Record Office Class FO 262)


Part 4: Detailed Correspondence for 1927-1929 (PRO Class FO 262/1673-1741)

PUBLISHER'S NOTE

Continuing our major microfilm series on Embassy and Consular Archives for Japan and the Far East, Part 4 makes available the subject files for the years 1927 to 1929, from PRO Class FO 262.  These files comprise Detailed Correspondence and Background Papers arranged alphabetically by subject heading within each calendar year.  The Annual Reports for each preceding year are included and these are a central and detailed analytical document covering all the major issues of the previous twelve months.

The years 1927-1929 witness some important developments in Japan.  The banking crisis of 1927 brought down Wakatsuki's cabinet. His successor was a shrewd and genial soldier-politician, General Tanaka Giichi, who had replaced Takahashi as president of the Seiyukai. This party won the General Election of 1928 (the first under conditions of Manhood Suffrage) and began to adopt a much tougher policy towards China. Tanaka was concerned about Japan's status in Manchuria. This was threatened by the advance of the Kuomintang and Chiang Kai-shek's intentions. Tanaka sent troops to check the Kuomintang forces as they moved north.  The Chinese were defeated and the Kuomintang advance into north China came to a halt. Furthermore, the Chinese war-lord of Manchuria, Chang Tso-lin was assassinated by a bomb demolishing the railway carriage in which he was travelling near Mukden.

Tanaka's government was forced by the summer of 1929 to resign because of a number of difficulties, in the main part, problems arising out of the suspicious circumstances of the death of Chang Tso-lin. The 1928 conspiracy was a precursor to the events of 1931. Tanaka wanted to discipline those in the Army who were responsible, but the Emperor and the Chief of General Staff preferred to overlook the indiscipline. An important precedent was set. 

Hamaguchi's cabinet, containing some excellent men, took office in 1929. From here on scholars can study all the evidence about the moderate, liberal tendencies of Hamaguchi's administration against the background of increasing unease in the Army, the onset of the Depression and the expansion of the Japanese Navy.  Researchers need to look at these files to fully understand the events of 1930 and 1931.

There is an abundance of material on China, Japan and Manchuria.

A typical telegram in the "China Political" file (item no 768, dated 6 April 1927) reads as follows:

"Big anti-Japanese meeting today in support of which half-day stoppage of work was enforced. No procession. Japanese concession quiet, though heavily picketed from outside. Japanese landed 200 men at noon to meet any emergency. Cruiser and four destroyers here, and for the present they seem determined to hold the concession. Chinese have so far taken no overt action. Anti-Japanese posters everywhere, and strict boycott of everything Japanese. Many Japanese leaving the port. All quiet otherwise, though atmosphere electric. Posters have appeared calling for rendition of Shanghai settlement. Gunboats and British subjects from Changsha, Chungking and Ichang arrived.

Consul-General"

The British Ambassador in Tokyo, Rt. Hon.Sir J.A.C. Tilley, writes on 11 April 1927:

"Japanese press generally condemns raid on Soviet Embassy in Peking. American Ambassador used some shocked expressions which I supposed to reflect views of Minister for Foreign Affairs, but latter said nothing of the kind to me today. I gather from him that Soviet government are as little able as we are to think of effective sanctions and are therefore announcing that Chang Tso-lin is beneath contempt.      Tilley. "

FO 262/1677 (item 479) records an interview with Mr Tsai Tien-chin (February 18th 1927). He is extremely anti-British but hopes for good relations with Russia and Japan. As the Cantonese representative he says:

"....what I am going to tell you now are the views of myself, of the nationalist party and of the nationalist government ... (on page 3 he says) ... The British question has recently become acute because of Great Britain's policy of oppression which she has pursued for the past 100 years, and the Hankow incident did not result from a trifling cause. I don't know with what object troops have been despatched, but whatever the reason, we shall have to put up with it for a time because we are deficient in real strength.  The situation however is such as to give confidence that at some time we shall be able to match England and so the anti-British movement will probably be continued for the time being.

I am not able to state definitely how many years from now our party's national revolution will be completed, but our sympathisers are already scattered about in all directions. Even in the North there are among the young officers many who are in sympathy with our principles. We are in suitable communication with Feng, and we determined to go on with the advancement of the happiness of the Chinese nation by means of the "3 peoples" principle...."

 

Item 452 of the same piece number (FO 262/1677) gives a synopsis of Editorial Comments made by the most important Japanese newspapers on the British Proposals to China and on the despatch of troops to Shanghai; for instance:

Tokyo Nichi-Nichi (February 5th 1927)

"This paper expresses the opinion that the Powers should be very careful in their relations with the South behind whom are the Russians. This is advice worthy of the attention of Great Britain. The despatch of troops by this Power to China might have made the situation much worse and thereby caused embarrassment to other countries; but the news that they are to be landed at Hong Kong is a welcome relief. "

The files on Russia and Japan reveal that both British and Japanese Governments are nervous about Russian intentions in the region.

Material on Naval Disarmament sets the stage for the London Naval Disarmament Conference of 1930. The Japanese appear set to try to up their agreed ratio of cruisers and other craft vis à vis the United States.  All this has to be set against the background of Hamaguchi's tough but liberal administration holding firm against the determined efforts of the Military, and the Chief of the Naval General Staff in particular,  who want to overrule cabinet and privy council in adopting a far more belligerent policy.

In addition there is good material on the Iron and Steel Industry in Japan, the Economic Situation, Education, Housing, the Garter Mission, Import Duties, Railways and also on prominent individuals both in Japan and abroad. For instance, within FO 262/1687 - item 7 of a file on the Iron & Steel Industry refers to the contemplated purchase of the Hanyehping Iron and Colliery Company by the Kuomintang in connection with a plan to operate various mines in Hupeh, Hunan and Kiangsi provinces.  Documents make clear that any such purchase would be vigourously opposed by the Japanese Government.  It is made clear that the control of these iron mines is vital for the successful operation of the Yawata Steel Works which produces more than half the iron and steel made in Japan.

Analysis of presscuttings, assessments based on detailed intelligence gathered by a highly trained diplomatic corps, reports on major topics and the relentless exchange of telegrams and memoranda, provide fundamental coverage on a day by day basis. The British files held at the PRO are an essential complement to the US State Department Files for the same period.

These British archives fully document Japan's changing relations with Britain and the Commonwealth, provide an in-depth British perspective on the interests of all the Great Powers in the Far East, and offer much source material for scholars concerning the relations between China and Japan, Russia and Japan, and Japan and the United States of America.  As Dr Gordon Daniels (President of the European Association of Japanese Resource Specialists, Department of History, University of Sheffield) suggests "they provide invaluable analyses of Japan's social, economic and political development" and will provide social and economic historians of the period with a mass of evidence. All centres of research on Modern Japan should have this microfilm set.

Please see the combined guide to Parts 1 & 2 of this project for lists of British Embassy and Consular Staff, 1905-1958 and for a full list of all major Japanese Ministers and Officials, 1901-1960.

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